Israel is 5 months into a brutal war. It’s clearer than ever that Netanyahu’s government must go
The Israeli government is dysfunctional and utterly confused about its priorities in fighting Hamas
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a press conference on Oct. 28, 2023. Photo by Dana Kopel/Pool
Contributing Columnist Dany Bahar March 13, 2024
In the aftermath of the atrocities on Oct. 7, Israelis and Jews worldwide rallied in unprecedented solidarity, entrusting Israel’s leaders and the defense establishment with the mandate to achieve the two main goals outlined by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: destroying Hamas and bringing the hostages home.
But today, there are many more questions than answers, and clarity on the progress toward achieving these goals remains elusive. If Israelis could trust this government that things will work out as planned, then I wouldn’t be writing this. But the reality is that as days turn into months, the Israeli government’s functionality — or lack thereof — has become painfully apparent.
Five months into the conflict, a veil of uncertainty still shrouds the true capabilities of Hamas to inflict harm. In spite of the ongoing efforts of the IDF, the persistent rocket attacks from Hamas suggest they still retain some offensive power, and reports from one month ago suggest that the extent of control the IDF has over Hamas’ extensive tunnel infrastructure is limited.
Further, the whereabouts of top Hamas commanders, including Yahya Sinwar, the mastermind of the Oct. 7 attack, and Mohammed Deif, the commander of Hamas’ military wing, are still unknown. All this leaves room for speculation about the terrorist organization’s ability to wage a prolonged campaign.
This lack of information extends to the fate of many hostages, whose safety and well-being are of paramount concern, intensifying fears for their lives. Israeli authorities have confirmed that 32 hostages have died under captivity, and suspect 20 additional hostages may have also been killed. And while the military has been successful in rescuing a small number of hostages, it has also made some fatal mistakes that resulted in three hostages being killed by Israeli soldiers. The majority of the hostages already released was achieved through a mix of military pressure and diplomacy in late November.
As if this was not enough, we have little idea of the plans for the “day after” in Gaza, a conversation whose void is often filled by the voices of extremists seeking to again occupy the territory.
In the meantime, the death toll in Gaza continues to rise above 30,000 people and the international pressure for a ceasefire continues to mount. On the Israeli side, nearly 250 soldiers have been killed, in addition to the over 1,200 murdered by Hamas on Oct. 7.
With all of these unknowns, Israelis should press the authorities for real answers. But the government’s dysfunctionality stands in the way.
With Netanyahu at the helm amid ongoing investigations and waning popularity, questions about his impartial judgment are unavoidable. His refusal to take responsibility for Oct. 7 and the vulnerabilities that it exposed, after two — almost uninterrupted — decades as prime minister, continues to appall most Israelis.
The voices within the government, too, reflect confusion. Gadi Eisenkot, a senior minister in the war cabinet from the centrist Blue and White party, has publicly voiced doubts about the government’s transparency, claiming that the goal of “absolute defeat” of Hamas is not realistic. Meanwhile, last week, senior minister in the war cabinet Benny Gantz’s visit to the U.S. to meet Vice President Kamala Harris and other high-level officials without coordination with the prime minister made Netanyahu “enraged,” according to reports.
While our hostages have already spent over 150 days and counting in a hell beyond words, Israelis are unclear about what the Israeli government’s official position at the negotiating table is. Despite the well-justified demands of the hostages’ families (and most Israelis) to prioritize bringing everyone home, far-right extremists including Smotrich and Ben-Gvir continue to make inflammatory appearances in search of headlines and votes, with statements undervaluing the importance of bringing hostages home, and advocating Jewish settlement of Gaza.
Their apparent opposition to negotiations reflects their unwillingness to pay the price of releasing Palestinian prisoners in exchange for hostages, though this is a price that the government will eventually have to pay, and everyone knows it.
But there cannot be any room for dysfunctionality here: Israel must remain at the negotiating table — despite how incredibly challenging is to negotiate with a terror organization like Hamas that is unwilling to provide basic care to the hostages, or even to share a list of hostages still alive — because military pressure alone most likely will not bring our hostages back home successfully.
As Israelis and Jews around the world, we may inherently trust Israel’s defense establishment’s intentions. The IDF is one of the most powerful militaries in the world, and the Israeli intelligence service is historic. Yet we are at a point where a careful analysis of the situation requires us to demand more from Israel’s leadership.
Five months into this conflict, the demand for transparency and accountability has never been more acute. The movement for democracy and rule of law that galvanized Israel throughout 2023 must now evolve: It must demand effectiveness from a government to ensure that basic questions are answered, and results are delivered. And if this is not possible, then it must also demand early elections to elect a new leadership that is up to the task.
The people of Israel have gone through enough these past five months, and when it comes to its leadership, they deserve much, much better.
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